Our common wealth
by David Benjamin
“When a Samaritan woman came to draw water, Jesus said to her, ‘Will you give me a drink?’”
— John 4:7
PARIS
— The history of great cities always involves water — how much water
the city consumes, where it comes from, what happens if there isn’t
enough, who controls the water supply and how do the people get their
water.
One of the milestones in Paris’ water saga was in 1609,
when the city finished a mighty hydraulic pump at the Pont Neuf, to draw
water from the Seine. For 200 years, most poor Parisians depended on
this pump, called La Samaritaine. It was marked by a statue of the
Samaritan woman who spoke with Jesus at the fountain in Sychar.
Ironically, according to John, “La Samaritaine,” a nosy broad with
prejudices, never got around to pouring Jesus a drink.
Early in
the 19th century, La Samaritaine wore out. Later, many of Paris’ public
fountains dried up, when aqueducts were razed in the siege of the city
during the Francio-Prussian war. By 1872, Parisians had few sources of
clean water. A Francophile British nobleman, Richard Wallace came to the
rescue. He underwrote a vast network of graceful “Wallace fountains,”
designed by Charles-Auguste Lebourg. Almost 150 years later, they’re
still here, still running.
At times in Paris, as in many cities,
private interests less benevolent than Sir Richard, gained control of
the flow and made water, literally, too expensive for many citizens to
drink. Wine was cheaper.
The struggle of Paris, for centuries,
to provide this simple necessity to its people got me thinking — from an
American angle — about what’s “public” and what isn’t.
Since
Roman times in Europe, not much of the turf in what we call Western
civilization has been deemed what an American would call “public.” For
centuries, every acre of space in the known world “belonged” to various
thrones, to the “landed” aristocracy and to a voracious Church fat with
private property. For most Europeans, the public space they knew, where
they could congregate, court, converse, trade and gossip was a few
cobbled meters surrounding a public fountain that was often the
community’s only source of water. It was every village’s La Samaritaine.
America
was different from the beginning. With vast open spaces and an
irrepressible (and often brutal) expansionism, America invented the
“public” idea, the right of every citizen to share, enjoy, re-shape and,
finally, to preserve great tracts of a continent that had belonged,
since the dawn of time, to no one in particular.
America’s
founders injected into our seminal documents a concept unthinkable in an
Old World where every inch was spoken for and every fungible border
stained with the blood of peasant soldiers drafted to perpetuate the
dominion of Crown, nobility and clergy. Because we knew the abuses done
by these three estates, we invented a secular nation without kings or
hereditary elites. We made a government “of the people, by the people
and for the people” whose first purpose is to guard the “public trust.”
Of
course, the thirst for aristocracy is unquenchable, especially among
Americans who believe that personal wealth merits exceptional privilege.
We’ve seen the public idea assailed at times by land barons and
plantation slavers, oilmen, industrialists, railroad tycoons,
financiers, agribusiness, bloated generals and political machines, all
ravenous to seize our common wealth and tuck it into their private
pockets.
Each time, the people’s government, reminded of its
public trust, has fought back. We, the people extended suffrage from
property owners (an Old World fallacy) to all men, then to women, and
then to fellow Americans whom we had once treated as property.
Horace
Mann conceived public education — for everyone — and John Dewey
articulated the secular theology of “the American common school.”
Teddy
Roosevelt invented the concept of public lands and launched the
national park system. FDR lifted up a nation that had been brought to
bankruptcy by private greed, conceiving a program of public works that,
still today, staggers the imagination. He made care for the aged, halt
and helpless an American Commandment. Dwight Eisenhower expanded the
public realm to the nation’s highways, Richard Nixon to the nation’s
fragile environment. Lyndon Johnson restored black Americans to the
public conversation by re-affirming their every stolen right, in
particular the right to vote.
Barack Obama took up the cause of
public health that had been fostered by both Roosevelts, by Harry
Truman, by Johnson, Nixon and Bill Clinton and finally made it happen.
When
Woody Guthrie sang, “This land your land, this land is my land, from
California to the New York island,” he wasn’t just whistling “Dixie.” He
was articulating a concept of nationhood that did not exist anywhere on
earth before July Fourth, 1776.
It’s a concept that has had to
fight for its life, even in the land of its creation. You hear talk,
from our aspiring nobility, about “market solutions” to public problems.
They mutter that our “failing” public schools and our great land-grant
universities are “government indoctrination centers.” They’ve twisted
the public idea into what they call the “deep state.” They want to
convince us, the public, that the public idea has been subverted. They
propose to replace the public trust with a handful of wise white men —
an elite, if you will — who know better than we.
They claim Jefferson, Washington, Madison as their forebears.
“Trust us,” they say.
But,
there’s this. A financial empire — immensely powerful and packed with
rich, brainy guys — incorporated in the USA, headquartered in Ireland or
Barbados, funded by banks in Cyprus and Russia, cosseted by theocrats
in the Middle East and married to a dozen mobs in a thousand invisible
deals, is accountable to no one, not even to its boards of directors,
nor to its clueless shareholders and absolutely not to the public. Catch
one of these vast fiefdoms cheating, stealing, lying, destroying an
economy and… oops! Poof! Gone, like Alice’s rabbit, into a black hole of
tax havens and bankruptcy dodges.
The point of private power is
that it’s not public. Nor does it need a republic. It is kings and
popes in capitalist raiment. Private power — what FDR called “organized
money” — merits no trust, public or otherwise, because its every move is
secret.
Better we should trust ourselves. However competent or
incompetent our elected representatives, they govern by law, in the
open. Our republic is public, accountable to us, the people. If we fail
to hold the worse of our chosen delegates to account, the fault is ours.
America,
at our best, has been better than La Samaritaine. Here, Jesus, a
stranger, could get his drink, a bucket of water, a whole river, with no
questions about his alien faith or where he’s from. The motto that
always comes to the American mind, especially in hard times, is, “There,
but for fortune, go I.”
We have a new potentate, a walking
corporation with a million private secrets, who calls our White House “a
real dump,” because it has no gold-plated faucets. His motto?
“I’ve got my fortune. Go get yours.”
Friday, August 4, 2017
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